The astonishing speed with which Thailand's 31st prime minister was nominated, endorsed in the House of Representatives and approved by Royal Command would not have been achieved without the intervention by "you know who" at the Ban Chan Song La mansion in Thon Buri.
Government whips from the coalition parties met for a closed-door meeting at Ban Chan Song La mansion soon after the Constitutional Court delivered its ruling on Wednesday to oust Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin from office for ethical misconduct.
Hours afterward, the whips emerged with the name of the prime ministerial candidate, former attorney-general Chaikasem Nitisiri, to be submitted to the House on Friday for a vote.
When approached by the media, Mr Chaikasem said he was ready to do the job and his health problems would not pose an obstacle because he had recovered from his recent illness and was physically fit.
In a last-minute twist, however, his name was dropped and that of Paetongtarn Shinawatra, party leader and youngest daughter of former Thai PM Thaksin Shinawatra, was put forward by the party's executive committee and MPs instead, on the ground that she is more popular among the party's supporters and that Mr Chaikasem's health problem still may pose an obstacle in the future.
What is so gripping about the turn of the events is that the Pheu Thai MPs and executive committee dared to challenge Mr Chaikasem's nomination which was decided at Ban Chan Song La, apparently, with the approval of the house-owner, Thaksin.
The real reason for the sudden switch from Mr Chaikasem to Ms Paetongtarn may be linked to concerns over Sections 28 and 29 of the Political Parties Act, regarding "interference" by an outsider in the control of political parties.
The penalties are up five years, up to a maximum of 10 years in prison and/or a fine of 200,000 baht and ban from contesting elections for the outsider and dissolution of the party which allows itself to be controlled, dominated or guided.
According to the law, the Election Commission is authorised to take such matters to the Constitutional Court for consideration.
Here you can see the iron-fisted laws empowering the court and other charter-mandated independent organisations in controlling the conduct of parties politicians; and why such laws should be reviewed, as urged by the People's Party.
For the time being, it appears all coalition parties, Pheu Thai in particular, are safe and Ms Paetongtarn's ascent to become Thailand's youngest prime minister appears to have gone smoothly.
Her nomination, approved by 319 MPs, including six "cobras" from the opposition Thai Sang Thai Party of Khunying Sudarat Keyuraphan, was submitted to the palace for royal consent.
Ms Paetongtarn's road ahead may be strewn with obstacles and she must tread carefully. One of the obstacles is anticipated interference by her father, Thaksin, in the running of the government. Such interference may constitute a violation of the Political Parties Act.
The first few months will be a real baptism of fire for the young and inexperienced 37-year-old prime minister, the youngest to run the country.
She must prove herself against challenges from opposition MPs in parliament that she can stand on her own two feet, unaided by Thaksin.
She must also prove that she has the leadership quality to navigate the country through all its challenges, economic problems in particular.
As a caring father, Thaksin should trust his daughter and give her a free hand to do her job, as he looks at her from a distance.
With her father giving orders, such interference will only put her at great risk. In other words, he should spend more time tending to his grandchildren as he earlier pledged.
In addition to a possible backlash to her father's interference, Ms Paetongtarn must deal with close scrutiny by the opposition. Expect rough treatment by veteran politicians who coveted the prime minister post.
Palang Pracharath leader Gen Prawit Wongsuwon's aspiration to be prime minister is palpable. The ageing and frail general has been overlooked over the past eight-plus years during the stewardship of Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha, his comrade-in-arms who was instrumental in the coup against the government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra in May 2014.
Many believe Ms Paetongtarn's election to the top job upset him. Gen Prawit was visibly annoyed when asked by reporters whether he had watched the live TV broadcast of Ms Paetongtarn's nomination in parliament.
He lost his decorum, snarled and slapped the head of a Thai PBS reporter, who asked him how he felt about the ascent of the new PM. His rude behaviour drew protests from the Thai Journalists Association and Thai PBS. Apparently, Ms Paetongtarn's nomination has dealt yet another blow to his hopes.
Although his grip on Palang Pracharath may have weakened substantially by his secretary-general, Capt Thammanat Prompao, who has his own aspirations, he should not be written off as past his use-by date.
In the meantime, the Constitutional Court remains an ever-present "thorn in the flesh" for parties and office-holders due to its extensive powers vested in the court by the constitution.
A misstep by Ms Paetongtarn or her over-protective father, Thaksin, may have her facing the same fate as Mr Srettha or her aunt, Yingluck, who drew the court's ire over her removal of the chief of National Security Council, Thawil Pliensri a decade ago.
Veera Prateepchaikul is former editor, Bangkok Post.